Friday, 12 December 2025

Hundreds of prison officers may have to leave UK after visa rules change

 Hundreds of prison officers from overseas will lose their jobs and may be forced to return to their homelands at short notice after the Government changed visa rules.

The new rules, introduced in July, say that only people who are paid above a threshold of £41,700 annually can have their skilled work visas renewed. This is part of the Government’s campaign to reduce net migration to the UK “significantly”.

Earlier this year, Inside Time reported that more than 700 Nigerians were recruited to work in UK prisons last year. Government figures showed that Nigerians accounted for 29 per cent of job applicants in the Prison Service, and 12 per cent of staff hired. It comes after the Prison Service began sponsoring skilled worker visas for overseas applicants, in order to plug staff shortages.

Tom Wheatley, president of the Prison Governors Association, said the changes to visa rules were “a worrying surprise. This really matters as there are over 1,000 prison officers who only have a limited right to work in the UK and are reliant on a skilled worker visa to continue.”

He added: “Governors would have to sack people when their visas come to an end, and people from overseas, particularly from African nations, have accounted for around 80 per cent of applications for officer jobs. It costs £10,000 to recruit and train every prison officer, and now governors are having to get rid of people when their visa ends. We are losing some good people.”

The Prison Officers’ Association wrote to the Justice Secretary asking Ministers to give special dispensation for those on prison officer grades. Mark Fairhurst, national president of the trade union, said the change was “scandalous and pandering to Reform. As a result prisons will be harder to manage, staff morale will plummet, and hard working colleagues will be forced to leave the country.”

Mr Fairhurst had, earlier in the year, told a House of Lords committee of his union’s concerns that new applicants were arriving from overseas expecting accommodation to be provided and not being prepared for the work they would face, but his union is now supporting their members who have become a vital part of prison operations.

Prisons Minister Lord Timpson said ministers could not give immigration advice but added: “I recognise this may be a difficult situation for individuals who have been seeking sponsorship.”

Four more female prison workers in court on misconduct charges

 In four separate cases, women who worked in English prisons have appeared in court on charges of misconduct at work.

A 19-year-old former prison officer at HMP Five Wells appeared at Northampton Crown Court and pleaded guilty to misconduct charges arising from a sexual relationship she had with a 30-year-old prisoner. The man also pleaded guilty to offences.

The woman admitted providing her telephone number to the prisoner and failing to report his possession of an illicit mobile phone and cannabis. Both defendants admitted offences of misconduct in public office between August 2024 and March 2025 at the Northamptonshire prison. They also both pleaded guilty to a separate charge of committing misconduct on 23 November 2024. They are due to be sentenced on 5 January.

The woman was in court, and the man appeared by video-link. The court heard that the woman, acting as a prison custody officer, ‘wilfully misconducted’ herself ‘in a way which amounted to an abuse of the public’s trust’. The man encouraged and assisted both offences. 

Both defendants admitted making an unauthorised transmission of an image or sound from within a prison, conveying cannabis into the prison, and conveying two mobile phones. They also pleaded guilty to making an unauthorised electronic transmission of an image relating to HMP Peterborough between December 2024 and March this year. The man admitted a seventh charge of possessing a device with a SIM card at HMP Five Wells without authority on 22 December. The 19-year-old had previously been on conditional bail but was remanded into custody after pleading guilty.

In a separate case, a 24-year-old former officer at HMP Lowdham Grange has pleaded guilty to having a relationship with an inmate and with conspiracy to supply him with cannabis. She appeared in Nottingham Crown Court, and her alleged lover appeared by video link. The pair pleaded not guilty to an additional charge of supplying cocaine to other inmates. The woman was freed on conditional bail, and they will both reappear in court on 13 April next year.

In another case, a prison worker at HMP Lindholme faked texts threatening her children so she could claim in her defence that she was forced to smuggle £250,000 of drugs into HMP Lindholme. The 40-year-old, who worked within the prison’s education department, was detained in October 2023 after she was found to be in possession of 0.5kg worth of drugs during a staff search. 

When caught she claimed she had been in receipt of texts threatening her children, but it was discovered that she had written them herself. She was jailed for five years and two months at Sheffield Crown Court for possessing cocaine and ketamine with intent to supply.

Finally, a woman officer who was working at HMP Hewell used her access to prison computers to check on the wellbeing of her boyfriend who was serving a sentence in HMP Birmingham. She then convinced two women to visit him, smuggle cannabis in with them, and get him to swallow it. Unfortunately for all of them, when they tried it for the third month running, he could not swallow the drugs and so was caught.

The prison traced the officer’s phone calls from work to the two other women, and now all are awaiting sentencing.

HMP Parc Expansion Approved – But at What Cost?

 

HMP Parc Expansion Approved – But at What Cost?

So the expansion plans for HMP Parc have been approved… but do you realise something? Before anyone celebrates adding hundreds more prisoners, the government needs to wake up and smell the coffee. This is a prison that, only two years ago, recorded a shocking number of deaths. Families and campaigners raised concerns at the time, and many of those concerns still haven’t gone away.

Let’s be honest: HMP Parc already faces major challenges, and expanding it by around 345 additional prisoners raises some very serious questions about priorities, safety, staffing and basic duty of care.

A Prison Already Under Pressure

People who follow what happens at Parc will know that the prison has been struggling with a massive drug problem. Reports over recent years have consistently highlighted issues with illegal substances entering the jail, including accusations that drone drops are a regular occurrence. If existing drug prevention strategies aren’t working, how can anyone justify adding even more prisoners into the mix?

On top of that, there have been ongoing concerns about staffing standards, including disciplinary actions and suspensions. Some families and prisoners have reported worrying behaviour by certain staff—claims that should have triggered stronger oversight and improved training long before any expansion was considered.

Lockdowns and Staff Shortages

Anyone with a loved one in Parc knows how often the prison goes into lockdown. Why? Because it’s short-staffed. Not just occasionally short-staffed, but chronically struggling to maintain basic daily operations.

Now we’re supposed to believe that adding hundreds more people into this already-stretched environment will somehow improve things? It doesn’t add up.

The plan mentions hiring 160 additional staff, but here’s the obvious question:
Why not hire them first and demonstrate that the prison can run safely and effectively before approving an expansion?

Recruitment shouldn’t be a footnote. It should be the foundation.

Profit vs Rehabilitation

The uncomfortable truth is that expansions like this often look more like business decisions than social ones. Parc is a privately run prison, and private prisons rely on occupancy for revenue. But prisons are not hotels. They are environments where rehabilitation, safety, and the welfare of human beings should come before profit margins.

If rehabilitation is supposed to be the priority, then why expand a prison that is already struggling to meet basic standards?

What About the Rest of the Prison System?

Another point that seems to be ignored: if the prison population really is overwhelming the system, why not redistribute prisoners across England and Wales, easing pressure on multiple sites rather than expanding a single one that is already stretched thin?

This approach could help stabilise the broader system instead of loading even more weight onto one of the most troubled prisons in the UK.

The Bottom Line

Before anyone builds new wings or increases capacity, there should be a simple checklist:

  • Is the current prison safe?

  • Is it adequately staffed?

  • Are drugs under control?

  • Are staff properly trained and supported?

  • Are prisoners receiving meaningful rehabilitation?

Right now, it’s difficult for many people—families, campaigners, and even current staff—to say “yes” to those questions.

If the government truly cares about rehabilitation, safety, and reducing reoffending, then expansion shouldn’t even be on the table until the existing issues at HMP Parc are fixed.

Because this should not be about money.
It should be about people.
And it should be about getting things right before making them bigger.

Controversial plans for prison expansion approved

 Lewis Smith, local democracy reporter

Controversial plans to expand the troubled Parc Prison to house hundreds more inmates have been approved by Bridgend County Borough Council.

The proposal was given the go-ahead at a council planning committee in November, to a build a new “K-shaped house-block” that will accommodate an extra 345 residents along with an additional 160 members of staff.

HMP Parc is a category B prison located in Coity, Bridgend. It was opened in 1997 and is operated by private security firm G4S. The current site holds a total of 1,670 inmates as well as 676 members of staff.

The application was handed in by Galliford Try Construction Limited earlier in 2025 on behalf of the UK’s Ministry of Justice.

It will now see works at the privately run facility to build a new block on the south-west of the site along with the repositioning of parts of the boundary wall.

This comes in addition to the development of a replacement kitchen and dining block, along with a new gym, multi-faith building, education building, and visitor/staff entrance with extra car parking and associated infrastructure.

HMP Parc is a category B prison located in Coity, Bridgend. It was opened in 1997 and is operated by private security firm G4S. The current site holds a total of 1,670 inmates as well as 676 members of staff.

The application was handed in by Galliford Try Construction Limited earlier in 2025 on behalf of the UK’s Ministry of Justice.

It will now see works at the privately run facility to build a new block on the south-west of the site along with the repositioning of parts of the boundary wall.

This comes in addition to the development of a replacement kitchen and dining block, along with a new gym, multi-faith building, education building, and visitor/staff entrance with extra car parking and associated infrastructure.

Justice secretary wants jury trials scrapped except in most serious cases

 Justice Secretary David Lammy is proposing to massively restrict the ancient right to a jury trial by only guaranteeing it for defendants facing rape, murder, manslaughter or other cases passing a public interest test.

An internal government briefing, produced by the Ministry of Justice (MoJ) for all other Whitehall departments, confirms plans to create a new tier of jury-less courts in England and Wales.

The new courts would deal with most crimes currently considered by juries in Crown Court.

But the MoJ said no final decision had been taken by the government.

The plans, obtained by BBC News, show that Lammy, who is also deputy prime minister, wants to ask Parliament to end jury trials for defendants who would be jailed for up to five years.

The proposals are an attempt to end unprecedented delays and backlogs in courts, and do not apply to Scotland or Northern Ireland.

The MoJ presentation, produced earlier this month, says Crown Courts are facing record backlogs with more than 78,000 cases waiting to be completed.

In practice, this means that suspects being charged with serious crimes today may not have a trial until late 2029 or early 2030.

Officials predict in the document that the caseload will grow to more than 100,000 before then, unless there is further action.

Earlier this year, retired Court of Appeal judge Sir Brian Leveson recommended that the government ends jury trial for many serious offences, saying they could be dealt with by a judge alone or sitting with two magistrates.

This would be done by creating a new intermediate tier of criminal court, dubbed the "Crown Court Bench Division" (CCBD) sitting in between magistrates' courts and Crown Courts, where juries decide cases.

The CCBD would hear cases involving defendants facing sentences of up to three years, Sir Brian recommended.

The "DPM's [deputy prime minister's] decision", according to the leaked MoJ document is to "go further than Sir Brian's to achieve maximum impact".

Speaking to BBC Radio 4's PM programme on Tuesday, Sir Brian said he was "not prepared to comment" on the government's "hypothetical" unpublished plans.

However, he said "substantial, structural change is essential", adding: "Our criminal justice system is at crisis point".

The second part of his Independent Review of the Criminal Courts will be published soon, he added.

'Reforms will not compromise right to a fair trial'

The document says Lammy wants to: "Introduce trial by judge alone for cases involving fraud and financial offences - if the judge considers the case to be suitably technical and lengthy. Exclusions for rape, murder, manslaughter and public interest."

The CCBD would be introduced "as a lower-tier of the Crown Court which hears cases likely to receive a sentence of up to five years by a judge alone", the document said.

This means that while jury trial would be guaranteed for murder, manslaughter and rape - almost all other defendants facing serious offences would be tried by a judge alone.

The document continues: "The reforms will improve timeliness in the Crown Court through extra hearing time... [and] not compromise the right to a fair trial - there is no right to a jury trial."

Lammy is said by officials to have begun the "write round" - Whitehall jargon for obtaining final cross-Cabinet and departmental sign-off before going public.

Assuming he gets that approval, an announcement would come in December, with legislation in the New Year.


A spokesperson for the MoJ said: "No final decision has been taken by government. We have been clear there is a crisis in the courts, causing pain and anguish to victims - with 78,000 cases in the backlog and rising - which will require bold action to put right."

But Riel Karmy-Jones KC, chair of the Criminal Bar Association which represents criminal barristers, said the proposals would not solve the crisis in justice.

She said: "What they propose simply won't work - it is not the magic pill that they promise.

"The consequences of their actions will be to destroy a criminal justice system that has been the pride of this country for centuries, and to destroy justice as we know it.

"Juries are not the cause of the backlog. The cause is the systematic underfunding and neglect that has been perpetrated by this government and its predecessors for years."

Conservative Party leader Kemi Badenoch criticised the proposals, arguing juries "put ordinary men and women of every walk of life at the heart of justice."

Writing on X, she described Labour's plans as "a short-term decision that risks fairness, undermines public trust, and erodes the very foundation of our justice system".

"Conservatives believe in our traditions and we believe in trial by jury", she added.

Meanwhile, Liberal Democrat justice spokesperson Jess Brown-Fuller MP described the plans as "completely disgraceful" and accused the UK Government of "dismantling our justice system and failing victims in the process".

She said the Liberal Democrats were calling for the government to "reconsider" its plans "as a matter of urgency".

Former judge Wendy Joseph KC said the proposal represents an "absolutely fundamental change" to the principles of justice practiced in the UK.

"No one should underestimate how serious that is," she told BBC Breakfast on Wednesday.

She said a lot of judges will be "uncomfortable" about being the sole arbiter of justice.

She agreed the backlog needs addressing, but "there are lot of minus factors in what David Lammy is proposing".

Baroness Helena Kennedy, Scottish Barrister and Labour Peer, said having a jury acted as "a valve on the system".

"There is a crisis of trust in all our institutions," she told the Today Programme, adding that public participation in courtrooms was a "vital proponent" of justice.

Lord Charles Falconer, former justice secretary and Labour peer, said trust was eroded by the lack of reasons given for why people were wrongly acquitted.

People must have faith the criminal justice system has the convicted the guilty and acquitted the innocent, he said.

Prison officer convicted over relationships with two prisoners

 A prison officer who formed relationships with two prisoners at HMP Coldingley and had sex with one of them in the prison’s multi-faith prayer room has been warned by a judge to prepare for jail.

The 23-year-old woman was convicted last week of two counts of misconduct in a public office and one of conspiracy to convey a prohibited article into prison. She is expected to be sentenced in January.

Her trial at Southwark Crown Court heard that she had the nickname of a 33-year-old prisoner tattooed on the back of her neck, bought a £3,000 promise ring under his instruction, wrote him love letters, and hung a framed picture of the two of them together over her bed.

One day in July 2022, she and the man were seen to go together into the multi-faith room, which was not covered by CCTV cameras. Prosecutor Kieran Brand told the court: “They remained there for four minutes while two inmates appeared to act as lookouts. They both emerged from the room together and walked back towards the wing, with [the officer] appearing to readjust her belt area on the right-hand side of her hip.

“The prosecution say it is clear they went in there for some form of sexual activity.” After the encounter the prisoner sent the officer a message stating: “It was good sharing dat love today, ur p**** [is] amazing.”

Messages later recovered from her phone showed that she was also having a relationship, said in court to be sexual, with another prisoner, aged 28. She had also messaged at least two other prisoners on their illicit phones. She claimed in court that she did not realise that prisoners were not permitted to possess mobile phones.

The woman, who joined the prison service in 2021, told the court that she did not fit in with her colleagues, who would mock her tattoos. She sought companionship from prisoners, and claimed that the 33-year-old had “instructed” her to buy the ring “to prove my loyalty to him”. She admitted to having phone sex with the man but claimed there was no physical relationship.

After the prisoner was transferred to HMP Swaleside she continued to write to him there, including a letter in which she wrote: “Wearing your promise ring, having you tattooed on me for life are all things I take ownership in – there is nothing I feel more proud of than being known as your girl.”

Some of the letters she sent were laced with Spice, and she also operated a drug-dealing social media account on his behalf. She was arrested while visiting the man at Swaleside in November 2022.

Following her conviction, Judge Chris Hehir told the woman she had committed “very grave offences”, and told her that she should “prepare emotionally and physically to go to prison”.

Prison worker admits relationship with inmate

 A prison worker has admitted having a personal relationship with a serving inmate at a men's prison.

Sarah Barnett pleaded guilty to a charge of misconduct in public office while working as an instructional officer at HMP Sudbury, in Derbyshire, in August 2023.

The 31-year-old from Rugeley, Staffordshire, appeared before Derby Crown Court on Monday.

Barnett was released on conditional bail ahead of sentencing on 8 January.

Tuesday, 9 December 2025

Dad's death was inhumane and prison failed him'

 The daughter of a man who suffered an "inhumane, degrading and undignified death" due to prison errors has settled a High Court legal claim for a five-figure sum.

Melanie Kalay took legal action against the Ministry of Justice and the City Health Care Partnership (CHCP) over the death of her father, Alpha Kalay.

Kalay died aged 74 in January 2021 after contracting Covid-19 while serving a sentence at HMP Hull.

A Prison Service spokesperson said: "We are sorry that he did not receive adequate support in his final days". A CHCP spokesperson said they reviewed serious incidents and would "put any recommended improvements in place".

Kalay, who was born in Sierra Leone, was serving a four-and-a-half-year prison sentence after being convicted in 2019 following an "altercation with a teenager in his garden".

Law firm Hodge Jones and Allen, which represented Ms Kalay, said prison staff were aware that Kalay was at higher risk from the virus due to his ethnicity and pre-existing health conditions, including incontinence caused by spinal nerve damage.

There were various failures in terms of Kalay's care after he became unwell, including a failure to recognise that a so-called "dirty protest" in his cell was actually a symptom of Covid-19.

He was eventually taken to Hull Royal Infirmary, where he was diagnosed with respiratory failure and an acute kidney injury. He died five days later.

Suffered in pain

Speaking after settling her legal claim, Ms Kalay, 52, said over the last five years she had to "read over and over again the harrowing details of how my dad suffered an inhumane, degrading and undignified death after staff failed to help him".

She continued: "No one should have to suffer this treatment, and no family member should have to live with the thoughts that I have endured, ruminating over his final days and the pain he must have suffered."

Ms Kalay said her father was "close to finishing his sentence" and "had behaved well throughout" and she was preparing "for his release, not for his death".

Ruth Waters-Falk, civil liberties lawyer at Hodge Jones and Allen, praised Ms Kalay's dedication.

She said: "She (Ms Kalay) has bravely stood up to the relevant authorities, who so recklessly failed to appropriately care for her dad to the point that he was left in his own faeces."

Ms Waters-Falk also said it was "unbelievable" that an "elderly, vulnerable" prisoner could be left in "such degrading conditions".

A Prison Service spokesperson apologised for Kaley's death and said they had not provided "adequate support in his final days".

They added: "As the public will appreciate, the pandemic was an unprecedented challenge for prison staff trying to keep prisoners and their colleagues safe."

A spokesperson for CHCP said they were "deeply saddened to hear of the death of Mr Kalay", and said they carried out "thorough and detailed reviews" of serious incidents.

still dreaming part 9

 I am the one in prison. I am the one wearing the number, the one being counted, locked, checked, and forgotten.

But somehow it is my family who feel the weight of the sentence just as heavily—maybe even more heavily—because at least I know what each day holds. At least I can see the walls clearly. They are trapped by distance, by health, by a system that pretends to allow family life but designs every obstacle possible to prevent it.

They are not behind these bars, yet they carry their own version of imprisonment: the kind built from worry, silence, and miles of road they can’t travel. Because what good is a visiting order when you can’t even stand long enough to get into the car? What use is Article 8 of the Human Rights Act—the “right to family life”—when the government that wrote it treats it like a scrap of paper, something convenient to wave around in theory and ignore in practice?

I lie awake most nights asking myself that question.
Where does the right to family life come in?
Where does basic humanity come in?
Where does compassion come in, especially at Christmas, the hardest time of all?

Christmas always used to feel loud—busy, messy, warm. The house smelled of spiced candles and too many people squeezed into too little space. There was always someone laughing, someone arguing, someone burning something in the oven because they’d had one too many glasses before noon. It was chaotic and real and ours.

But Christmas now is an ache.
It’s a reminder of all the losses folded into December: my nan, my great niece, my father.
Three chairs permanently empty.
Three names that feel too heavy to speak out loud.

And now there is a fourth absence—me.

The prison has decorations strung along the wing, cheap tinsel that falls apart if you look at it too long, and paper snowflakes taped to the notice boards by the lads who volunteered for “festive duty.” The officers try to act like it’s cheerful, like it means something, but to me it only highlights the silence. It makes the place feel more hollow, more artificial, like we are being reminded of everything we don’t have.

It is torture, not seeing your loved ones at the best of times. But at Christmas? It’s a kind of quiet cruelty that digs under the skin.

And so the story continues…


The Visit That Never Comes

The worst part isn’t the waiting—it’s the hope.
Hope is dangerous in here. It stretches time, makes the hours cruel.

When I first arrived, I used to count down the days like a child waiting for a holiday. I’d imagine my family walking through the security doors, imagine their faces lighting up when they finally saw me. I would plan what I’d talk about first, how I’d make them laugh even though I wanted to break down crying.

But after the third cancelled visit—some due to health, some due to the distance, some due to the prison itself—I learned not to count anymore. I learned that hope hurts more than hopelessness.

Still, sometimes, on days when the sky looks a certain shade of grey, or when the officers seem less tense than usual, I find myself listening for my name.
A name shouted down the landing.
A name that means someone is here for you.
A name that means you’re remembered.

But it rarely comes.

Instead, the minutes drip by like cold water. And with each minute, I imagine my family sitting at home, feeling guilty for something that isn’t their fault. They didn’t choose my sentence. They didn’t choose their illnesses. They didn’t choose a system that scatters people hundreds of miles from their support networks.

And yet they are punished all the same.

I’ve met men in here who’ve done awful things, things I’ll never understand—yet their families visit every week because they live ten minutes down the road from their prison. I’ve met others who have children but won’t see them until they’re grown, purely because they were sent to the other side of the country.

It’s a postcode lottery of punishment.

The politicians call it “operational necessity.”
I call it cruelty in a suit.


The Christmas Card

Last year, a single Christmas card from my mum made it through the system. The envelope was bent, damp, and opened by security, but the handwriting was hers. Familiar, careful, shaky.

She wrote:

“We miss you every single day. We are proud of how strong you are being.
I wish we could come, love, but we just can’t manage the journey.
Please don’t think it’s because we don’t want to.
It’s because we physically can’t.”

I swear I read that card a hundred times.
I read it until the paper started to soften.

And then I folded it away because I couldn’t bear to see the guilt between the lines.

That’s what hurts most—that my family feel responsible for the distance someone else chose. That they apologise to me when they’re the ones who can barely walk, barely breathe, barely get out of bed without help.

The government loves to talk about rehabilitation.
They talk about family ties reducing reoffending.
They talk about “social support networks.”

And yet they do everything possible to sever those ties, to fray those networks until there is nothing left.

How can you rehabilitate someone by isolating them?
How can you expect someone to rebuild their life when the people they love are scattered miles away like forgotten belongings?

Article 8 might as well be fiction for all the use it is here.


The Christmas on the Wing

Christmas Day on the wing is a strange performance.
Some lads try to make it cheerful—cracking jokes, singing songs loudly and badly, pretending they don’t care. Others hide in their cells, refusing to come out because the day hurts too much. Some kick off, letting anger mask the grief.

The officers walk through trying to appear festive, their paper hats crumpling on their heads, their faces tight with the effort of pretending this is normal.

Last year we were given a special lunch: two slices of turkey, a spoonful of stuffing, and a mince pie that tasted faintly of cardboard. It wasn’t good, but it wasn’t about the food. It was about the hollow ritual of it all, the reminder that life continues outside these walls in a way it doesn’t here.

After lunch, I went back to my cell and lay on the bunk, staring at the ceiling. The sounds of the wing drifted under the door—the laughter, the shouting, the clattering footsteps. Someone was crying, quietly enough that they didn’t want to be heard but loud enough that they couldn’t hold it in.

I thought of my family gathered around a table with empty chairs.
I thought of my mum trying to stay cheerful while her heart was breaking.
I thought of my father, my nan, my great niece—names spoken in the past tense now, memories wrapped in grief.

I thought of how the world keeps spinning even when your life stands still.

And somewhere between those thoughts, I made myself a promise:
When I get out, I’ll rebuild what’s left, no matter how damaged the pieces are.

Because that’s what my family deserve.
Because that’s what I deserve.

Even if it feels impossible now.


What They Don’t Tell You About Prison

They tell you prison is about punishment and rehabilitation.
They don’t tell you it’s about loneliness.
They don’t tell you that time behaves differently here, stretching and shrinking until you lose track of who you were before the bars closed.

They don’t tell you that sleep is never solid, that noise is constant, that silence is rare and precious.
They don’t tell you how small you feel.

But the biggest thing they don’t tell you is this:

You are punished far beyond your sentence.

You are punished every time a visit is cancelled.
Every time someone you love is too ill to make the journey.
Every time you receive a letter that smells faintly of home.
Every time Christmas rolls around and you realise you can’t hug your mum, can’t see your family, can’t sit together and remember the people you’ve lost.

They don’t tell you that the justice system will forget you exist, except as a statistic.
They don’t tell you that the government will cut budgets, move prisoners like pieces on a board, and call it efficiency while your life unravels quietly in the background.

Article 8?
Right to family life?
It’s a myth unless you are wealthy, healthy, and lucky.

The rest of us learn to live without the very thing that makes us human: connection.


The Phone Calls

There’s a routine I fall into. It’s fragile, but it’s something.

I wake, eat, clean the cell, and wait for phone time. The phones are always busy, always noisy, always smudged with fingerprints and frustration. But they are the closest thing we have to home.

Sometimes my mum answers on the third ring.
Sometimes on the first.
Sometimes she doesn’t answer at all, because she’s asleep or unwell or simply doesn’t hear it.

When she does answer, her voice sounds smaller than it used to. Softer. Like she’s aged ten years since I came inside.

We talk about little things mostly.
How the weather is.
What she watched on TV.
How the cat is doing.

We avoid the big things—the pain, the guilt, the fear—because neither of us wants to break the other.

But sometimes, when her voice cracks, I know she’s thinking the same thing I am:

This shouldn’t be happening.
We shouldn’t be 400 or 500 miles apart.
We shouldn’t be living through this punishment together.

But she never says it.
She just tells me she loves me.
And I hold onto that like a lifeline.


The Others on the Wing

I am not the only one here whose family is suffering from distance.
One lad, a young dad, hasn’t seen his daughter in two years because she has severe epilepsy and can’t travel. Every time he talks about her, he stares at the floor like the guilt is too heavy to meet anyone’s eyes.

Another man’s wife is in a wheelchair. She can’t get into the transport van even if she wanted to. He once told me that sometimes he forgets what her face looks like without looking at the photograph he keeps folded in his pocket.

There are dozens more.
Different names, different stories, same misery.

The system treats us like cargo, not people.
It moves us where there is bed space, not where we can maintain our humanity.

And then it wonders why people leave here worse than they arrived.


The Officer Who Saw Too Much

One day, an officer—a young one, new, still soft around the edges—stopped outside my cell and asked if I was alright.

Most officers never ask that. They assume you are coping because you’re upright and breathing. They assume silence equals strength.

I shrugged and said, “Yeah, I’m fine.”
Because that’s what you say.

But he stood there a bit longer, shifting awkwardly, and then said something I wasn’t expecting:

“I’m sorry your family live so far away. I heard about the cancelled visit.”

I didn’t know what to say.
Empathy isn’t common around here.
Kindness feels suspicious, like it must have a catch.

He went on, voice low:

“They don’t train us for that part—the families. They don’t tell us how much this stuff hurts them. They don’t tell us how it breaks people.”

I didn’t respond.
I didn’t trust myself to.

He wasn’t defending the system.
He wasn’t making excuses.
He was recognising the truth, and somehow that made it even harder to swallow.

After he walked away, I sat on the edge of the bed feeling something strange—seen.
Just for a moment.

But moments don’t last long in here.


The Weight of December

Every December, the memories get heavier.
The grief comes back sharper.

My nan’s passing was the first crack in the foundation of our Christmases.
She was the heart of it all, the one who kept traditions alive.
After she died, things felt colder.

Then came the loss of my great niece—so sudden, so unfair it left the whole family gasping for air. A child shouldn’t become a memory. A child shouldn’t leave that kind of silence behind.

And then my father.
His absence is a permanent bruise.
Christmas was his favourite time of year, which somehow makes it worse, not better.

And now another December comes, and instead of being with my family—helping them through the grief, sharing stories, crying together—I am trapped behind these walls, locked out of their sorrow and their healing.

I am missing the things that build a family:
Shared tears
Shared laughter
Shared pain
Shared resilience

I worry that when I finally return, I will be a stranger.
That time and loss and distance will have reshaped us into people who don’t fit together anymore.

But then I remind myself:
Love doesn’t vanish because of miles.
It bends but it doesn’t break.

At least, I hope it doesn’t.


The Truth About Corruption

People don’t like to hear it, but it needs saying:

The government and the justice system are corrupt—not always in the obvious ways, not always in brown envelopes or secret meetings, but in the quiet ways that destroy lives.

Corrupt in negligence.
Corrupt in cruelty.
Corrupt in indifference.

Corrupt when they ignore the human cost of their decisions.
Corrupt when they hide behind policy instead of compassion.
Corrupt when they pretend rehabilitation is their goal while stripping away the very things that make rehabilitation possible.

They talk about justice.
What they deliver is bureaucracy.

They talk about fairness.
What they deliver is inequality.

They talk about family life.
What they deliver is separation.

If Article 8 meant anything, this wouldn’t happen.
If justice meant anything, families wouldn’t suffer alongside the convicted.
If humanity meant anything, no one would be forced to choose between their health and seeing the person they love.

But here we are.


A Promise to Myself

Sometimes, late at night, when the wing is quiet and the darkness settles heavily around me, I make plans for the future.

I imagine the day I walk out of here and take a full breath of clean air.
I imagine hugging my mum so tightly she complains I’m crushing her ribs.
I imagine sitting around the table at Christmas—not the same table as before, not the same people, but something new, something healing.

I imagine rebuilding myself slowly, like stitching a torn piece of fabric.
Clumsy at first, but stronger where the repairs lie.

I imagine speaking out about this—really speaking out.
Not in anger, but in truth.
Not to punish, but to change something.

Because no one should be punished by distance.
No one should lose their family to geography.
No one should spend Christmas alone because someone in an office decided their postcode mattered more than their humanity.

I don’t know how long it will take.
I don’t know if the damage done can ever fully be undone.

But I do know this:

My story isn’t over.
My family’s story isn’t over.
And the system that tries to silence us hasn’t won.

Not yet.
Not ever.

Because as long as I can still speak, still write, still feel, still hope—I am more than my sentence.
More than the distance.
More than the bars.

And one day, I will return home.
And the people who love me will still be there, waiting in their own way, as they always have.

Christmas may hurt.
Distance may hurt.
Loss may hurt.

But love remains.
And love, despite everything, survives.

Friday, 5 December 2025

still dreaming 8

 And if you really want to understand how close this place is to breaking, you only have to look at Christmas. People on the outside think Christmas in prison is just a sad dinner and a few cheap decorations, but that’s not it—not really. It’s the one time of year when the pretending stops. When the walls feel thinner. When the weight of everything you’re missing presses down so hard you swear the air gets thicker.

I want to talk to you about Christmas.
Not just any Christmas—a Christmas behind bars. Thirty-five of them, in my case. Thirty-five times I’ve watched December roll in like a reminder of everything I can’t reach. Times I can’t be with my family. Times I want to cuddle my nieces and nephews. My mum. My children. My grandchildren. Whole branches of my family tree I’ve barely held. People out there probably wonder why I can’t just see them. Why don’t they visit? Why don’t I go on a home visit?

Because the government has placed me over 400–500 miles away from my family.
Hundreds of miles between me and the people I love, like someone thought distance was part of the punishment. In my view, it’s a piss take. And what about Article 8 of the human rights—the right to a family life? Where does that go? Does it get suspended at the gate? Folded up and thrown in a drawer somewhere? It certainly doesn’t count for us. Not in any practical sense.

So Christmas becomes this twisted version of what it’s meant to be. You sit in a cell trying not to picture your family around a table, or kids ripping open presents, or your mum laughing at something stupid someone said. And the worst part? You don’t just miss them—you miss the years. The faces change while you’re stuck behind the same door. Babies become adults. Parents become frail. You blink and decades have gone.

This is why I write.
Why I do this blog.
Why I make music.

Not because it fixes anything, but because it gives me a voice in a place that tries its hardest to silence you. It’s how I explain to people what it’s like—the pain, the loneliness, the feeling of being forgotten. People think we’re hardened, emotionless, unbothered. But Christmas exposes the truth: even the strongest men in here feel it. You hear it in their voices. You see it in their eyes when the doors shut at night.

And yes, the drugs are always there. Crack, weed, heroin, and fish—spice. They crawl through the place like mould. Some lads use just to get through the season. I get why. I’ve seen friends collapse. I’ve seen friends die. Thirty-five years ago, when I first came in, maybe I’d have gone down that road too. Maybe I’d have taken anything just to numb the hole where my life used to be.

But I’m 52 now.
A man who’s been away from his family for 35 years.
And I say to myself:
Fuck the drugs.
Fuck the shortcuts.
Fuck anything that keeps me in here longer than I need to be.

Because at this point, my family is all that matters. Getting out is all that matters. I won’t throw away the little future I’ve got left for a smoke that makes time disappear. I want to be there for my people before it’s too late.

So here I am—my 35th Christmas behind bars—trying to explain something no one on the outside will ever fully understand. You can sympathise, you can imagine it, but until you’ve lived this nightmare… until you’ve counted the Christmases instead of the days… you’ll never really know.

And when this place finally collapses under the weight of its own pretending—when the system stops running not with a bang but with a sigh—remember this too. Remember Christmas. Remember that behind every statistic, every report, every “incident,” there’s a human being staring at a wall wishing he were home.

Because prisons don’t break in riots.
They break in silence.
And Christmas is the loudest silence of all.

Tuesday, 2 December 2025

Waltham Abbey: City of London officer charged with assault

 Essex Police were called to reports of an incident on the morning of October 24.

Manpreet Callo, 30, from Waltham Abbey, has since been charged with assault by beating.

He is due in Chelmsford Magistrates’ Court tomorrow (December 3).

He is a serving officer with the City of London Police and has been suspended since the time of his arrest.

'Popular' West Midlands police officer secretly rifled through confidential data

here is the link to the Birmingham live newspaper article

https://www.birminghammail.co.uk/news/midlands-news/popular-west-midlands-police-officer-32976381?utm_term=Autofeed&utm_medium=Social&utm_source=Facebook&fbclid=IwY2xjawOcSttleHRuA2FlbQIxMABicmlkETA0YWIxb1ZPTDZxQ0diWjVVc3J0YwZhcHBfaWQQMjIyMDM5MTc4ODIwMDg5MgABHjZZqq2LxZMUbAl6f6WmeC1ZbHVsvUEoZA0ZKTHgLdp7yEDFaUeasrKqk29N_aem_Xew__D3p5rzeB6XbQ1bU_w#Echobox=1764654312

Thousands to lose the right to trial by jury in drive to fix court

 Thousands of defendants in England and Wales will lose the right to a jury trial under government plans to tackle the spiralling courts backlog.

Sarah Sackman, the courts minister, told The Observer the proposal for a new intermediate court, involving a judge and two magistrates rather than 12 members of the public, was “an idea whose time has come”.

She said it was “absolutely shocking” that some rape victims are being told that their case will not be heard until 2029 because of delays in the system and she would do “whatever it takes” to speed up delivery of justice.

There are now a record 78,000 cases in the crown court backlog, leading to long delays for defendants and complainants. More than 4,000 of these are adult rape cases, a 70% increase on the number waiting two years ago.

The crisis in the courts is also contributing to overcrowding in prisons because around a fifth of those in jail are on remand awaiting trial.

“The state’s obligation is to deliver a fair trial,” Sackman said. “Timeliness is an inherent essential ingredient of fairness and when those delays reach the level that they have reached today, that is detrimental to the quality of justice that we are delivering to the public.”

At the moment, the most serious cases are heard in the crown court and the most minor are dealt with by magistrates, but there are a large number of “either way” cases where defendants can choose whether or not to be tried by a jury. This is leading to long delays for the most serious crimes because the courts are being clogged up with more minor offences.

Sackman said that in a “broken” criminal justice system defendants had an incentive to opt for a jury trial “because it puts off your trial date and my view is that more and more defendants are gaming the system because they believe, rightly, that victims and witnesses will pull out so maybe that day will never come”.

The “witness attrition” rate of people quitting proceedings caused 325 prosecutions out of 4,317 to collapse last year, compared with 62 in 2019. “We should prioritise swift justice over the defendant’s right to elect their mode of trial,” the minister added.

Her comments come as the government prepares to respond to a report published earlier this year by the retired judge Sir Brian Leveson, in which he recommended the creation of the intermediate division of the crown court. He also called for the introduction of judge-only trials for complex fraud cases and warned that without radical reform, there was “a real risk of total system collapse in the near future”.

The proposals have already provoked a furious political and legal backlash. Robert Jenrick, the shadow justice secretary, described the proposals as a “slippery slope” to abandoning jury trials altogether. The Criminal Bar Association (CBA), which represents practising barristers in courts across England and Wales, is also opposed to the idea of curtailing the right of defendants to choose to have their case heard by 12 of their peers.

“The criminal justice system is not just under strain – it is buckling and on the brink of collapse. As criminal barristers, we know that sound decisions are based on the careful consideration of all the relevant evidence,” said Riel Karmy-Jones, CBA chair. “There may be a temptation to reach for ‘radical solutions’ to alleviate the crisis. The motives behind that may be well-meaning, but it ignores much of the evidence, not least of the faith which the public have in the system of trial by jury.”

A survey of its members found that more than 90% are against plans to remove the right to a jury trial for all but the most serious offences.

However, the plan for an intermediate court is supported by five former lord chancellors, both Labour and Conservative, and two former lord chief justices.

Sackman insisted jury trials had been “a cornerstone of British justice since time immemorial” and would remain for the most serious crimes. But she said 90% of criminal cases were already heard without a jury trial, in the magistrates’ courts. “The debate that we’re having here is about where is the appropriate and the proportionate place to draw the line. Is a jury trial appropriate in a year-long trial for complex fraud involving cryptocurrency? Is a jury trial appropriate and proportionate for the theft of a Mars bar?”

The minister recently visited Canada, which operates judge-only trials for some cases and said she was “hugely impressed” by the efficiency and fairness of the process. “It is a totally normal feature of the Canadian system, and it works really well. There is no one who would say that the Canadian justice system doesn’t deliver justice for the Canadian public.” Judges also told her that juryless trials halved the time it took for a case to be heard.

Her trip to Toronto had convinced her that it was “right to prioritise the swifter justice that the public expects over the defendant’s right to elect for a jury trial in every single case that they can do now,” she said. “Everyone agrees that the status quo cannot hold. The justice system that was built decades ago isn’t fit for the way in which we deal with justice today because of the volume of cases coming into the system but also because of the nature of crime and evidence.”


(My View)

How Can They Stop a Jury Trial When It’s Meant to Be Fair and Equal?
Looking at the Case of Andrew Malkinson — and the Bigger Problems With Jury Service

Our justice system is supposed to be built on fairness. A jury trial is meant to be one of the strongest protections we have: ordinary people, listening to the same evidence, deciding together whether someone is guilty or innocent. But if it’s meant to be fair and equal, why does it fail so often?

Look at Andrew Malkinson, who spent 17 years in prison for a crime he didn’t commit. He lost nearly everything—his freedom, his relationships, his future—and when the truth finally came out, the system offered him an apology. But an apology doesn’t give a man back almost two decades of his life. It doesn’t repair the damage or undo the suffering. And Malkinson is not the only one. Innocent people are still being found guilty, only to be released decades later with nothing but a letter saying “sorry.”

So how does this keep happening?

One major problem is the jury system itself. The truth is, most jury members have no legal knowledge at all. They’re everyday people who may never have set foot inside a courtroom before the day they’re selected. They don’t understand legal language, they don’t always grasp how evidence should be weighed, and they certainly aren’t trained to recognise when something in the process feels wrong.

And then there’s pressure—real, human pressure inside the jury room.

Earlier this year, a documentary called “Jury: Murder Trial” showed just how intense that pressure can be. In the programme, two separate juries heard the exact same case. The first group found the defendant guilty. The second group found him not guilty. Same evidence. Same story. Completely different outcomes.

Why? Because the people inside each room were different—and some of them felt intimidated, pushed, or influenced by stronger voices on the jury. When ordinary people with no legal training are put in a room together and told to decide someone’s fate, intimidation can happen. Peer pressure can happen. People can be pushed into agreeing with a verdict they don’t truly believe.

How is that justice? How is that fair?

If someone’s entire life is on the line, shouldn’t the people deciding that life at least have the basic knowledge to do the job properly?

That’s why I believe that jury members should have a crash course in basic law before they serve. Not a full degree, but enough to understand how the system works, what their responsibilities are, and how to analyse evidence properly. Instead, we have random members of the public—like Mrs. Smith from the corner shop—expected to make legally complex decisions with no training at all.

Maybe it’s time to rethink the whole system.
Maybe juries should consist of trained citizens or professionals who understand the law.
Maybe then we would see fewer mistakes, fewer wrongful convictions, and fewer destroyed lives.

Because right now, innocent people are still being found guilty, and justice depends too much on luck—who gets picked, who speaks the loudest, and who feels pressured to go along with the crowd.

And that’s not good enough.

The Criminal Cases Review Commission (CCRC) has today published the report by Chris Henley KC into the organisation’s handling of the Andrew Malkinson case.

The report, which was commissioned by the CCRC and which was shared with Mr Malkinson in May, contains nine recommendations.

The Commission’s actions in response to those recommendations have also been shared with Mr Malkinson and are published with the report today. Work on implementing the recommendations is underway.

While the report contains redactions to safeguard ongoing investigations or the possible prosecution of an alternative suspect, Mr Henley’s recommendations regarding the CCRC’s handling of Andrew Malkinson’s applications are carried in full.

Redactions to the report were made after the Commission sought the views of the Andrew Malkinson Inquiry, led by Her Honour Judge Sarah Munro KC, Greater Manchester Police, the Crown Prosecution Service, and the Independent Office for Police Conduct.

CCRC Chairman Helen Pitcher OBE apologised to Mr Malkinson earlier this year for the organisation’s handling of his case.


OR peter sullivan

The victim of a 38-year miscarriage of justice has claimed he was beaten by police officers and "bullied" into falsely admitting murder, in his first interview since his release.

Peter Sullivan told the BBC he believes he was "stitched up" in 1986 over the killing of Diane Sindall, who was ambushed and beaten to death during a frenzied sexual attack in Birkenhead, Wirral.

Mr Sullivan, who has learning difficulties, had his conviction quashed by the Court of Appeal in May after new DNA tests were carried out.

He now wants an apology from Merseyside Police. The force said while it "regretted" that a "grave miscarriage of justice" had taken place, it maintained its officers acted within the law at the time.

Earlier the force said it had referred itself to watchdog the Independent Office for Police Conduct for a second time based on Mr Sullivan's comments - having initially done so in May after the appeal decision.

Speaking from an undisclosed location with his face hidden to protect his privacy, Mr Sullivan, 68, said he wanted an explanation for why detectives "picked me out".

"I can't forgive them for what they've done to me, because it's going to be there for the rest of my life," he said, adding he had "lost everything" since going to prison.

"I've got to carry that burden until I can get an apology."

For decades Mr Sullivan and his family were haunted by tabloid press nicknames, including "The Beast of Birkenhead", "The Mersey Ripper", and "The Wolfman".

"The names, they'll always stick with me because I've never been anything like that," he said.

Mr Sullivan said despite moments of near hopelessness, he was always supported by his parents who died years before he could clear his name.

He said: "My mum turned around to me before she died, and said, 'I want you to carry on fighting this case because you've done nothing wrong'."

In one of many painful moments from his time behind bars, Mr Sullivan said he was denied permission to attend his mother's funeral in 2013 because she was buried in the same cemetery as Miss Sindall.

His ordeal began after the semi-naked body of 21-year-old florist Miss Sindall was found with catastrophic injuries in an alley off Borough Road, Birkenhead, on 2 August 1986.

Two weeks later, her partially burned clothing was found on Bidston Hill, a large area of woodland about an hour's walk from the alley.

After a BBC Crimewatch appeal was aired, witnesses came forward claiming to have seen Mr Sullivan in a pub near the murder scene that night, while others reported seeing a man fitting his description near Bidston Hill the following day.

He was arrested on suspicion of murder on 23 September 1986, and was interviewed 22 times over the following four weeks.

For the first seven police interviews, he was denied legal advice and found the experience "very daunting".

"They were putting stuff into my mind, then they would send me back to my cell, then I'd come back and say what they wanted, not realising what I was doing at the time," he said.

'They leathered me'

During that period Mr Sullivan claimed he was beaten in his cell on two occasions by police officers.

"They threw a blanket over the top of me and they were hitting me on top of the blanket with the truncheons to try and get me to co-operate with them," he said.

"It really hurt, they were leathering me."

Mr Sullivan also claimed he was told if he did not confess he would be charged with "35 other rapes", and said he was denied food and sleep.

He was not provided with an appropriate adult to help him understand the interrogation, despite police custody records noting he had learning difficulties.

Asked why he would confess to a murder he did not commit, Mr Sullivan said: "All I can say, it was the bullying that forced me to throw my hands in, because I couldn't take it anymore."

Appeal court documents confirm that the first time he "confessed" was not recorded and no solicitor was present. Other police interviews were recorded.

In a statement for this article, Merseyside Police said it was previously unaware of the allegations about beatings or threats to charge him with other offences, and said records from the time did not contain details of this. It said guidance on appropriate adults had been strengthened since 1986.

The force accepted that legal advice was initially refused for interviews, adding that officers had feared revealing some parts of the investigation to a solicitor, in case evidence was destroyed. It also said Mr Sullivan was told he did not have to speak to officers unless he wished to do so.

Sarah Myatt, Mr Sullivan's solicitor of more than 20 years, sat alongside him as he spoke to the BBC. "I think, from what he's told me, he just reached breaking point with it," she said.

Mr Sullivan said during one interview he was asked to mark on a map where he had left the clothes on Bidston Hill.

When he pointed to the wrong place, he alleges a detective replied: "Come on Peter, you know better than that," before hinting at the "correct" location.

Ms Myatt said on the maps of Bidston Hill, Mr Sullivan had later written "this is all lies".

"I think that's quite poignant," she said.

Merseyside Police said the maps and transcripts, which the BBC has not seen, were all served on the courts. The force said interviewing officers had been "trying to understand the validity of his admissions".

While Mr Sullivan later retracted his confessions, the police and prosecution also relied on bite mark evidence, a now widely discredited field of forensic science.

That case, brought before DNA testing was widely available, was enough to convince a jury at Liverpool Crown Court - and on 5 November 1987 he went from a self-confessed "petty thief" to a convicted murderer.

Recalling the guilty verdicts, Mr Sullivan said: "My sister collapsed in the courtroom and the next minute, that was it.

"I was taken down from the courtroom and I just sat in that cell and cried my eyes out over the crime I hadn't done.

"I knew from then on that this is going to be one hell of a case to try and fight to try and get myself out of this situation."

His sentence carried a minimum term of 16 years before he was eligible to apply for parole - but Mr Sullivan maintained his innocence, lessening his chances of release.

Prison was particularly difficult for someone considered a savage killer and a sex offender. "I've been battered in prisons because of the crime I was in for," he said.

However, he said reporting such violence was not an option because "then you're a grass, and that means then you're going to get a lot worse".

'You're going home'

The end of his nightmare began in 2023, when the Criminal Cases Review Commission - the body set up to check for miscarriages of justice - ordered fresh testing of semen samples found on Miss Sindall's body in 1986.

The Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) decided not to challenge the DNA results ahead of a fresh appeal - paving the way for Mr Sullivan's freedom.

In May 2025, when the appeal judgement was handed down, Mr Sullivan was listening via video-link from HMP Wakefield, sitting next to his probation officer.

"When they came back in with the verdict that my case had been quashed, [the probation officer] burst into tears first," he said.

"She turned around and said, 'Peter, you're going home'...

"Next minute, bang, all the tears started running down my face and that was it, I went, 'yes, justice has been done'."

The outside world has been a baffling place for a man who went into custody when Margaret Thatcher was prime minister and the internet was unheard of.

Speaking of the moment he was driven out of prison, he said: "I was watching the cars go by, and I've never seen so many different cars in my life on that road.

"It was daunting just seeing them all changed and everything."

Since his release, he has sometimes found himself standing in his bedroom waiting for a prison officer to do a roll-call - a difficult habit to shake after nearly 40 years.

Mr Sullivan said he feels "really sorry" for the family of Miss Sindall, who he said are "back at square one" in their fight for justice.

"I've been through the same pain, being in prison, because I've been taken away from my family as well for something I haven't done," he said.

Merseyside Police said due to the "substantial changes" in the law and investigative practices since 1986, there would be "little benefit" in any formal review of how the case was investigated.

It said "no misconduct was identified" at the time of the first IOPC referral in May, but confirmed it would ask the body to look again after Mr Sullivan's interview.

The Crown Prosecution Service said while the Court of Appeal accepted the new DNA testing, other grounds of appeal were rejected. Nick Price, its director of legal services, said: "The prosecution case was brought on the basis of all the evidence available to us at the time."

The case of Miss Sindall's murder has been re-opened, although no arrests have been made.

For Mr Sullivan, there remains the wait for compensation, capped by the government at £1.3m for wrongful convictions.

Ms Myatt, who is helping him with his application, said: "There's not a figure that you could say would be enough for losing 38 years of your life."





please take your time to understand the law if you are picked.~

at the moment there is no justice. it is on the breaking point.